What is intonation?
Intonation is the change in pitch which occurs over the course of a phrase. It is generally used to signify information about the utterance, like:- whether it's a question or a statement
- which parts are new information and which are already known to both parties
- the attitude of the speaker towards the information
For example, you can use intonation (in combination with main stress, in English) to change...
"I never said she stole MY money" vs "I never said SHE stole my money"
Do tone languages use intonation?
Yes, they do.Languages like Mandarin Chinese, in which pronouncing a word with a high or low (or rising or falling) tone can change its meaning, are called tone languages. But just because certain words have to be high or low, that doesn't stop speakers using pitch on a phrasal level at the same time.
Focus in Mandarin
"In general, tone identities are implemented as local f0 contours, while focus patterns are implemented as pitch range variations imposed on different regions of an utterance." (Yi Xu 1999)In other words, tones are expressed in Mandarin Chinese as changes in pitch on syllables, whilst the intonational focus is expressed as the range of pitches in a phrase. Before the focussed element, the pitch range is 'normal'; during the focussed element, the pitch range is 'expanded' (high tones are higher, low tones are lower); and after the focussed element, the pitch range is 'suppressed' (high tones are lower, low tones are higher).
Are intonation patterns the same in all languages?
No.
This can cause quite a few problems for non-native speakers, and for their listeners.
We know we need to learn vocabulary, and grammar. We pick up pronunciation, and perhaps stress or pitch accent. But in no French lesson I ever had did anyone ever say:
"French intonation is not the same as English. The pitch patterns which indicate surprise, predictability, questions and turn-taking are not identical."
This may mean that:
a) many non-native speakers don't know they are getting it wrong until they are explicitly informed during advanced study, or by a linguistically-trained friend
b) many native listeners assume they are being deliberately difficult
This last is, I think, an important point. We make allowances for non-native speakers getting words wrong, using the wrong tense, having odd vowels, and being rhythmically odd. But if they get the intonational pattern wrong? We assume they are being sarcastic, or difficult, or just stupid. Because at no point in our education have we been exposed to the idea that intonation is also part of the linguistic code, and needs to be learned.
Instead, we treat intonation as being directly linked to people's emotional state.
An example:
I shout across the house. My friend can't quite hear, and asks me to repeat. And again.
By the third time, my intonation has changed from "declarative, new information" to "declarative, old information", because for me, it is. For my friend, however, it is still new information. So what does "old information" signify? Well, it signifies that what I am saying is predictable, and (by implication) that they should know this already. Cue assumptions about impatience, being patronized and/or irritation.
Now, you may well be fed up of repeating yourself, and this may be what is coming through: scenario (1). But, scenario (2), it could simply be the combination of getting louder, to be heard better, and new information becoming old to the speaker, but not the listener. The listener will treat both scenarios the same - as scenario (1).
Unlike many aspects of linguistic structure, intonation is pretty easy to perceive directly. You can simply hum the intonational tune back at someone. So why aren't we more aware of what intonational patterns are?
At least part of the answer, at least in English, may be the high degree of variability between dialects.
I shout across the house. My friend can't quite hear, and asks me to repeat. And again.
By the third time, my intonation has changed from "declarative, new information" to "declarative, old information", because for me, it is. For my friend, however, it is still new information. So what does "old information" signify? Well, it signifies that what I am saying is predictable, and (by implication) that they should know this already. Cue assumptions about impatience, being patronized and/or irritation.
Now, you may well be fed up of repeating yourself, and this may be what is coming through: scenario (1). But, scenario (2), it could simply be the combination of getting louder, to be heard better, and new information becoming old to the speaker, but not the listener. The listener will treat both scenarios the same - as scenario (1).
Unlike many aspects of linguistic structure, intonation is pretty easy to perceive directly. You can simply hum the intonational tune back at someone. So why aren't we more aware of what intonational patterns are?
At least part of the answer, at least in English, may be the high degree of variability between dialects.
Are intonation patterns the same in all dialects?
No again.
The Intonational Variation in English corpus was a project to look at this issue. Below is a sample of intonational patterns from 7 urban areas in the UK.
They look at declaratives (statements), wh-questions (what/where/when/why/how), yes/no questions, and declarative questions (statements used as questions, without any syntactic question markers: things like "You're coming later?").
The Intonational Variation in English corpus was a project to look at this issue. Below is a sample of intonational patterns from 7 urban areas in the UK.
They look at declaratives (statements), wh-questions (what/where/when/why/how), yes/no questions, and declarative questions (statements used as questions, without any syntactic question markers: things like "You're coming later?").
The data
H and L mean High and Low tone. % means the end of the phrase.
A * after a tone indicates that that tone is on a prominent syllable in the utterance.
If there is no space between tones, the intonation changes on the very next syllable. If there is a space, it moves gradually between the two over several syllables.
If there is no space between tones, the intonation changes on the very next syllable. If there is a space, it moves gradually between the two over several syllables.
IViE data table
| Nuclear Accent | DEC | WH-Q | Y/N-Q | DEC-Q |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| London | ||||
| H*L % | 95.8 | 55.6 | 27.8 | 5.6 |
| H*L H% | 4.2 | 33.3 | 16.7 | 16.7 |
| H* H% | 0 | 0 | 16.7 | 33.3 |
| H* % | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| L*H % | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| L*H H% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 38.9 |
| L*H L% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| L* H% | 0 | 11.1 | 38.9 | 5.6 |
| Cambridge | ||||
| H*L % | 93.8 | 61.1 | 44.4 | 11.1 |
| H*L H% | 6.3 | 16.7 | 27.8 | 0 |
| H* H% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| H* % | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| L*H % | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| L*H H% | 0 | 22.3 | 27.8 | 88.9 |
| Bradford | ||||
| H*L % | 100 | 83.3 | 16.7 | 22.2 |
| H*L H% | 0 | 5.6 | 0 | 5.6 |
| H* H% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| H* % | 0 | 0 | 11.2 | 5.6 |
| L*H % | 0 | 0 | 66.7 | 66.7 |
| L*H H% | 0 | 0 | 5.6 | 0 |
| Leeds | ||||
| H*L % | 100 | 72.2 | 44.4 | 0 |
| H*L H% | 0 | 11.1 | 0 | 0 |
| H* H% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 5.6 |
| H* % | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| L*H % | 0 | 5.6 | 55.6 | 72.2 |
| L*H H% | 0 | 11.1 | 0 | 22.2 |
| Newcastle | ||||
| H*L % | 83.3 | 61.1 | 44.4 | 11.1 |
| H*L H% | 0 | 0 | 16.7 | 0 |
| H* H% | 0 | 5.6 | 0 | 0 |
| H* % | 0 | 0 | 0 | 5.6 |
| L*H % | 16.7 | 33.3 | 38.9 | 83.3 |
| Belfast | ||||
| H*L % | 4.2 | 5.6 | 0 | 0 |
| H*L H% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| H* H% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| H* % | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| L*H % | 83.3 | 94.4 | 94.4 | 83.3 |
| L*H H% | 0 | 0 | 5.6 | 16.7 |
| L*H L% | 12.5 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Dublin | ||||
| H*L % | 94 | 77.8 | 68.4 | 27.8 |
| H*L H% | 0 | 5.6 | 15.8 | 0 |
| H* H% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| H* % | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| L*H % | 6 | 16.7 | 15.8 | 50 |
| L*H H% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 5.6 |
| L*H L% | 0 | 0 | 0 | 22.2 |
An observation
Pretty much all speakers in all dialects make statements the same way: with a high tone on a prominent syllable, followed by a low tone. The exception is the Belfast dialect, which uses the same pattern for statements as it does for questions: a low tone on a prominent syllable, followed by a high tone.I'm sure you can find many other commonalities and differences.
That just raises further questions
If the cause of our ignorance of dialects is their variability, then why would we assume that they are directly linked to emotional state? Why wouldn't we assume that they are instead a personal characteristic, like how you pronounce your vowels?
My intuition is that it is because pitch is very much linked to emotion. We are not composed of entirely modular systems, but rather lots of different processes make use of the same hardware. The same tube that we use for speaking, we also use for breathing and eating. Altering part of our vocal tract to get one effect can have side-effects.
For example, higher pitched sounds are usually produced at a louder volume. Or, nasal sounds are perceived to be lower pitch than non-nasal sounds.
Perhaps there are physical correlates to emotion - speaking more loudly, tense or shaking muscles - which then have effects on pitch? If you have references for further reading, post them in comments!
For example, higher pitched sounds are usually produced at a louder volume. Or, nasal sounds are perceived to be lower pitch than non-nasal sounds.
Perhaps there are physical correlates to emotion - speaking more loudly, tense or shaking muscles - which then have effects on pitch? If you have references for further reading, post them in comments!
References
Xu, Yi. "Effects of tone and focus on the formation and alignment of f0 contours." Journal of phonetics 27, no. 1 (1999): 55-105.
The IViE (Intonational Variation in English) corpus, and related publications: http://www.phon.ox.ac.uk/files/apps/IViE/